|M. Kerem Doksat||18 Şubat 2008 Pazartesi||5038|
Kosova konusundaki endişelerinize yürekten katılıyorum. Bu konuda halkı aydınlatma gayretleriniz için de ayrıca tebrik ve teşekkür ediyorum.
Ben, dünyanın farklı bölgelerinin farklı enerjileri olduğuna inanıyorum. Kosova'daki enerjinin mahiyetini anlamak için tarihe bakmakta yarar var:
Kosova, Osmanlı'nın beylik olmaktan çıkıp imparatorluk olmaya başladığı yerdir.
Sırp zındığının yeridir (Sultan Murat, zaferi kazandıktan sonra Milos Oblis tarafından hançerlenerek ölmüştür).
Kosova, ittifakların değişiverdiği yerdir.
Macar beyi Hunyadi Yanos'un, Arnavut İskender Bey'in, Rumen 3. Vlad'in Osmanlı'ya karşı ittifak yaptığı yerdir. 3. Vlad'a bizimkilerin Kazıklı Voyvoda, Batılılar'ın Drakula (Ejder) demeleri, bölgenin ne kadar kanlı olduğunun bir belirtisidir.
Kosova o kadar kanlıdır ki, ay ve yıldızın kan denizindeki yansıması, bu günkü bayrağımızın çıkış yeridir (Ay yıldız'ın bir Türk değil İslâm geleneği olduğu iddialarını biliyorum. Ama başkaları da İslâm ülkelerinin bayraklarına ay yıldızın Türk'lerle girdiğini iddia ederler. Gerçekten de 28 Temmuz 1389 akşamı, hilâl halindeki ay ile Jüpiter yan yana gelerek o tabloyu oluşturmuştur).
Kosova, bütün Balkan'ların kilidini elinde tutan yerdir. Batı'nın Doğu'ya giden, Rusya'nın Akdeniz'e giden yolu buradan geçer.
Kosova, eski Yugoslavya'nın gümüş ve stratejik minerallerinin de bekçisidir.
Kosova, Avrupa'yı, Rusya'yı, Türkiye'yi ve Akdeniz'i vurabilecek önemli bir mevzidir.
Kosova, ABD'nin İran'a askerî müdahale için elinde bulundurmaya mecbur olduğu yerdir.
Allah sonumuzu hayretsin.
Biliyorum, bir dokun bin ah işit kâse-yi fağfurdan gibi oldu ama bu konu birkaç yönden yüreğimi acıttığı için sözümü sonlandıramıyorum. Kusura bakma.
Yugoslavya gerçeği ile 1998'de Bosnalılar'a yönelik bir Post Travmatik Stres Düzensizliği kliniği başlattığımda tanıştım. İşkence görmüş, tecâvüz edilmiş, çocuğu kucağında patlatılmış hastalarımın anlattıkları, benim yurdum acısından da ibret vericiydi.
"Biz diyorlardı "bir arada barış ve huzur içinde yasıyorduk. Akşamları kestane ağaçlarıyla kaplı caddelerde birlikte gezerdik. Âile ziyâretlerine birbirimize giderdik. Ekonomik olarak da rahatımız yerindeydi. İşimiz vardı. Sağlık hizmetleri ücretsizdi. Çocuklarımızı rahatça üniversitelere gönderirdik".
Boşnak hastalarımın birisi üniversitede hoca, birisi ressam, bir diğeri kadın doğum mütehassısı idi. Biri Boşnak biri Sırp olan karı kocanın çektikleri ise katmerlisi idi.
Kadın doğumcu, çocuğunu doğurduğu hastalardan birinin kurşunlarından zor kurtulmuştu. Üniversitede profesör olan hanımın ırzına gecenler, kendileri de profesör olan meslekdaşları idi. Bir patlama sonucu çocuğu kucağında parçalanan hastamın evliliğini ne yazık ki kurtaramadım. Ama belki ressamın yeniden resim yapmaya başlamasını sağlayarak intihar etmesine, o zaman için, engel olmuşumdur. Fibromiyaljiden muzdarip olanlara da ilk defa o zaman rastladım.
Daha dün bir arada, hiç bir kin hissetmeden barış içinde yaşayanlar, bugün birbirleriyle kanlı bıçaklı olmuşlardı. En travmatik olan da, sâdece başlarına gelenler değil, bunların daha düne kadar dost bildikleri komşuları tarafından yapılmış olmasıydı.
Nisan ayında Türkiye'ye geldiğimde sözlerine güvendiğim ve bu bilgilere sâhip olacak durumda olan bâzı dostlardan aldığım bilgiler, Türkiye için benzer cadı kazanlarının kaynatılmakta olduğu yönündeydi.
Aradan gecen sekiz ay da korkarım bunu doğrulayacak yönde diyebilirim.
İlişikte bir makale gönderiyorum. Kosova üzerine oynanan kirli oyunlar hakkında biraz malûmat veriyor.
National Radio Project
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. For permission to reproduce and/or reprint, please contact us.
April 13, 1999
Program deionguest contact information at http://www.radioproject.org/archive/1999/9915.html
Phillip Babich>: Welcome to Making Contact, an international radio program seeking to connections between people, vital ideasimportant information. This week on Making Contact:
Michel Chossudovsky>: The NATO charter says, it clearly stipulates, that they only intervene in defensive actions, they don't intervene in a military offensive of this nature.
Nadja Tesich>: NATO is a policeman. It's not some sort of sweet, wonderful, peaceful force, the way Americans think. They're just cops. They're policemen.their aim is conquestcolonization.
Phillip Babich>: On this program we take a look at some of the less-reported factors behind the U.S.-led attacks on Yugoslavia: NATO expansionforced economic reforms in that region. I'm Phillip Babich, your host this week on Making Contact.
When the bombs started falling on Yugoslavia in late March, President Clinton claimed that it was a moral thing to do. Spokespeople were trotted out to talk shows to promote this point of view, including a religious organization called "The God Squad." A rabbia priest told an MSNBC audience, for example, that it is rare for U.S. foreign policy to be carried out strictly for moral reasons, but here was such an occasion Americans could be proud of.
In the piles of corporate-media coverage of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, it's difficult to sift out what's really going on. We're encouraged to believe that while the Serbs, led by Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, are the bad guys, the Kosovo Liberation Army, fighters for independence, are the good guys. But, independent reports reveal that atrocities have been committed by both the KLAthe Serbian army. One perspective comes from Sara Flounders Flounders, co-editor of "NATO in the Balkans: Voices of Opposition,"with the International Action Center in New York. She talks about how Yugoslavia looked ten years ago, just before we began to hear reports of rising ethnic tensions that were leading to fragmentation of the region.
Sara Flounders>: It's very important to see that it's not.it's always described as ancient ethnic hatred suddenly reaching a wildunpredictable level. Yugoslavia, ten years, ago was a prosperous, multinational, multicultural, multiethnic society with health careeducation on a level with Western Europe.with a rapidly developing industry. It wasn't quite at the level of Western Europe, but it was certainly an extremely prosperous society. Sarajevo was the Olympics were held. Western European people had historically vacationed on the Adriatic throughout the '70s'80s.so on.
Phillip Babich>: According to Michel Chossudovsky, professor of economics at the University of Ottawa in Canada, the Yugoslav Republic began to fracture at a time when U.S. policy was calling for major shifts in that region's economy. This policy was implemented through the World BankInternational Monetary Fund, says Chossudovsky,resulted in economic hardship for working people.
Michel Chossudovsky>: This was also preceded in the early '80s by a statement a strategicgeopolitical statement by the United States, which was contained in a national security decision directive - which has recently been declassified.it identifies the direction of change in Yugoslavia. In other words, to encourage the transition toward a so-called free market economy, but ultimately, in practice; what that meant was the dismantling of the system of self-managed enterprises. And, in fact, that was implemented alongside changes in the legal codesso on. So, this is the background. In other words, it's a country that had been literally impoverished as the result of macroeconomic reforms. At the same time, that has d conditions that fueled ethnic conflicts. Yugoslavia has been subjected to very major macroeconomic reforms going back to the 1980s, but the climax was reached in 1990, under the pro-US government of Prime Minister Ante Markovic, the IMF-sponsored reform was implemented.it virtually contributed to fracturing the Yugoslav Federation, because it froze all transfer payments to the Republicsredirected state revenues to meet the demands of creditors. At the same time, a very deadly bankruptcy program was implemented under World Bank jurisdiction. It literally ordered the closing down of half the industrial sector in a matter of months. If you look at the levels of unemployment, the lay-offs which took place during that period, we're talking about somethingtwo million people only in industry who lost their jobs.
Phillip Babich>: A little-known clause in the November 1990 foreign appropriations bill, says Flounders, added to the economic downward spiral for Yugoslavia.
Sara Flounders>: At the time of the Gulf War, there was a very important piece of legislation - November, 1990, in a foreign appropriations bill - that explicitly stated that within six months of the passage of the legislation, all loans, all trade, all credits,all aid to the Yugoslav Federation would end. Now, there was peace at this time in Yugoslavia, there was no civil war, it was before any of the cessations or breakup. All of this would end within six monthsfunding would not resume to the region untilunless each of the Republics held separate, independent elections, the results of which the State Department approved. Now, of course, State Department approval of dictatorships around the world is really based on U.S. interestswhat approval they have of the government as a whole, not how democratic the election is. Literally within six months to the day of the passage of this legislation, both CroatiaSlovenia withdrew from the Yugoslav Federation. Two months later, Bosnia.this was the ning of the civil war.
Phillip Babich>: Chossudovsky adds that valuable natural resources are at stake in the region.
Michel Chossudovsky>: There's a lot of mineral wealth in the Balkans. There's oil in Yugoslavia, definitely. There's also oil in Albania. There's chrome - absolutely very large fields of chrome in Albania, which is now being - there are negotiations with a U.S. company. These are important considerations, the control of strategic energyminerals; I think it's certainly part of this war.
Phillip Babich>: Central to the disputes in YugoslaviaKosovo are two major peace agreements: The Dayton Accords, signed in November 1995,the Rambouillet Agreement, which was signed by a delegation of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo, in March of this year. Chossudovsky says that the two agreements are similaressentially call for a Western-controlled Kosovo, an unacceptable arrangement for Yugoslav President Milosevic.
Michel Chossudovsky>: One thing that is not always understood is that the Constitution of Bosnia-Herzegovina was an appendix of the Dayton Agreement which had been drafted by Western lawyersconsultants.one of the articles of this Constitution specifically stipulated the governor of the Central Bank of Bosnia-Herzegovna will be appointed by the IMFthe governor of the Central Banks of Bosnia-Herzegovna shall not be a citizen of Bosnia-Herzegovnia or a neighboring country. Now that's in the Constitution, which essentially means that what the Western, essentially the EuropeansAmericans have imposed is a colonial administration in Bosnia, with an occupation force which initially, as we know, was over 70,000 troops.what they have under the proposed Rambouillet Agreement is virtually the same thing. It's to transform Kosovo into a territory under the mandateadministration of the West.
Phillip Babich>: Another pivotal moment in modern Yugoslav history came in 1990, after the disintegration of the Soviet . Then-Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev no longer claimed the right to defend Eastern Bloc countries, according to Barry Lituchy, teacher of modern European history at Kingsborough Community Collegeauthor of numerous articles on the crisis in Yugoslavia. In a conversation, moderated by Ellen Andors, Lituchy spoke with Nadja Tesich, a filmmakernovelist from Yugoslavia, who now lives in New York, about some of the factors that led to the break up of Yugoslavia.
Barry Lituchy>: The turning point came with the rise of Gorbachev to power in the Soviet ,the ning of the decline, the ning of the end of the Eastern Bloc.once Gorbachev essentially signed away the right to defend the Eastern Bloc countries or the Communist countries in Eastern Europe, that ed U.S.Western policy toward Yugoslavia. At that point, Yugoslavia was no longer necessaryit became necessary from an American point of view, from BritishGerman point of view, to destroy Yugoslavia.that destruction began almost immediately in 1989; as the Berlin wall was coming down, George Bush called the leaders of, at that time, the Prime Minister of Yugoslavia, Ante Markovic, to Washington. He threatened Ante Markovic in Washington. He told Markovic that Yugoslavia had to call for so-called 'freedemocratic elections' in the Republics of Yugoslavia. The purpose of which, from the American point of view, was to complete the process of dismembering Yugoslaviarestoring a capitalist economy in Yugoslavia. The United States said, "If you do not do that, we will undermine youdestroy you anyway."
Nadja Tesich>: Then he said you will have all these little countries. All these countries cannot support themselves. They will have to be dependent on someone else, instead of what Yugoslavia was able to do. The economy functioned in such a way that something produced in Slovenia went to other republics, somethingin Serbiafruitsvegetables, went to Slovenia, etc, they were complementing each other.of course, now, in Slovenia, they have to buy things from Austria, at five times more-
Barry Lituchy>: De-industrializing the peoples of Yugoslaviaessentially adding these peoples to other empires for economic exploitation.
Sara Flounders>: Well, they said they'd be getting a force which will be cheap, but in addition they will be more educated, they say, than they could find in some underdeveloped countries. So, they are going to get two things: cheap labortrained workers who will do their work for nothing.
Barry Lituchy>: Elections were held in 1990 in SerbiaMontenegro. The Socialist, formerly the Communists, retained power. They were still committed to essentially a Socialist political program, as the new Croatian leadership, the Slovenian leadership, the Macedonian leadership,the Bosnian leadership (the Bosnia-Muslim leadership, anyway) was committed to capitalist restoration, neo-colonialism.
That really established the basis for the civil wars in Yugoslavia that began towards the end of 1990have continued ever since.ever since then, we have seen the United Statesthe NATO powers essentially use various international organizations to undermine the sovereignty of the peoples of Yugoslavia. If I recall correctly, Yugoslavia had a 23 billion dollar debt at the time at which the effort to destabilizedestroy Yugoslavia began, in 1990.that 23 billion dollar debt represented the leverage, the leverage that the NATO or Western neocolonial powers had over Yugoslaviathe peoples of Yugoslavia. If foreign loans were not a sufficient tool, there was always the possibility of moving on towards economic sanctions.
Nadja Tesich>: In order to prepare U.S. children for what they're going to be doing to my people, to prepare thembrainwash them, there was a special issue done by the New York Times, that nobody can buy. You cannot buy it, nor can I. It was simply given to schools,there is something just unbelievable. Sharp, sinister, montage of pictures, articles, there's only one enemythat enemy is a Serb.who are the good guys? NATO are the good guys. NATO as the liberator appears. As the only liberator that will bring peace.
Barry Lituchy>: What this conflict is really about is about colonial expansion, it's about NATO expansion, it's about setting new precedents for violating national rights.the KLA, even towards its own people, s everyone or has intimidated or murdered Albanians who disagree with its political authority. In other words, they're fundamentally antidemocratic were talking about a fundamentally anti-democratic - if you don't want to use the word facist, then highly authoritarian, racist, nationalist movement.so it's the worst thing in the world for the Albanians themselves.
Phillip Babich>: Barry LituchyNadja Tesich speaking with Ellen Andors of the People's Video Network.
Laura Livoti>: You're listening to Making Contact, a production of the National Radio Project. This program can now be heard across the United StatesCanada, in Haiti, South Africaaround the world on Radio for Peace International on short-wave. You can also hear us on the Internet. It you want more information about the subject of this week's program, or you wouldto learn how you can get involved with Making Contact, please give us a call. It's toll free: 800-529-5736. Call that same phone number for tapetran orders. That's 800-529-576. We also welcome commentssuggestions for future programs.
Phillip Babich>: Critics of the U.S.-led bombings of Yugoslavia say that one of the factors that led to these attacks is to exert Western interests in dominating that region through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, NATO. Michel Chossudovsky says that NATO's air strikes violate the organization's own charter which limits the alliance to defensive military action only.
Michel Chossudovsky>: The NATO charter says, clearly stipulates, that they only intervene in defensive actions, they don't intervene in military a offensive of this nature. But, of course, what the statements made by, particularly by Clinton to this effect, say that "this is not war, this is a humanitarian operation." We are waging a war against a people, using the pretext of an internal problem within the province of Kosovo, there is a civil war ongoing, to intervene. I don't buy that. The KLA is linked to organized crimeto the drug trade, but nonetheless they consider them freedom fighters[the KLA are] receiving support from Washington. What is the legitimacy of this organization?
Phillip Babich>: Sara Flounders adds that the bombings in Yugoslavia represent the first time that NATO has launched an offensive strike. She spoke with Making Contact from her office in New York.
Sara Flounders>: As a matter of fact, there was a New York Times article back in November, November 28th, entitled, "The Policy Struggles: Stories Within NATO," talking about this precedentthe debate within Europe about defining NATO into a global police force to be used for intervention not only within Europe or in dispute between countries in Europe or what its role was during the Cold War which was supposedly as an alliance.a defensive alliance but now, as a police force that could be used in the Middle East, in Africa,in Asia. The same discussion was taken up in an article in the Los Angeles Timesthe International Herald Tribune on December 5th: William Path described, just to take a quote, "Washington sees this as a precedent for a new NATO. It goes beyond the Balkans,"he talks about actions against Iraq, Iran,in South Africa, South Asia,other trouble-making "rogue states."
Phillip Babich>: Citing from an article from the Multinational Monitor (this is March, 1998): The largest U.S. military contractors have been aggressively promoting a scheme that could cost U.S. taxpayers up to $250 billion between nowthe year 2010,that's for NATO expansion. Is there really this enormous push for NATO expansion?
Sara Flounders>: There certainly is. Within Russiain all of the former Soviet states. In Azerbaijan, in Uzbekistan,so on, there is only a small corrupt grouping at the top. There's no support for the governmentsyet there's billions of dollars of resources at stake. For example, the oil in the Caspian Sea. How will these vast resourcesindustries that have now been privatized, be secure? This is a real problem facing the big corporations, facing U.S. policy makers, facing Pentagon planners in the decade to come.their solution is NATO. As a police force for the region, NATO is really a U.S.-commanded military alliance. Also involvingincluding the other major West European powers, but it really has always pursued, primarily, the agenda of the United StatesU.S. corporate interests. So, it's become a vital player,it's important to set the precedent for interventions within the coming decade.
Phillip Babich>: Let's talk about this NATO connection to the bombing in YugoslaviaKosovo.
Sara Flounders>: The real dispute of NATO against Yugoslavia is on the question of sending troops. Yugoslavia has said that it would accept any political agreement on the question of Kosovo. The only thing that it would not allow is foreign basesforeign troops within their country. This was the one issue, the one breaking point, the one dividing point.really Yugoslavia is the only country in Europe that has refused to allow U.S. bases or U.S. troops. The KLA, the Kosovo Liberation Army, is very much a contra-army, such as we've seen built, financed,trained in other parts of the world. We can see this most clearly both from Christopher Hedge's articles in the New York Times at the ning of last year, when the KLA was an army of 50 people growing very rapidly into an army with very sophisticated weapons that are not even available on the world arms market. Up to the recent article in Soldier of Fortune Magazine, the April issue - which also describes the KLA - how NATO had helped by ordering a pullback by the Yugoslavia army,during that time helping the KLA refinance, rearm, trainrefit itself. Soldier of Fortune magazine, of course, is a mercenary magazine. This is really not at all a liberation struggle. It is a creation, a tool of the Pentagonits military planners.
Phillip Babich>: Well, lastly, I'm wondering if you can let a listener know what are the important points to remember about this situation. Clearly it's very complicated, many factions involved, many interests involved, although you are describing unifying themes within it. But, what's important for someone to understand?
Sara Flounders>: I think the most important thing for someone to understand is all of this is taking place without the knowledge of the American people. It's a secret agenda that is in the interest of major corporations - military corporations, large oil corporations,how they refashion EuropeRussiathe Middle East; whole regions are at stake.yet, it's all stolen, from social programs, right here at home. This is a time of enormous cutbacks in health caresocial programseducation. We're told againagain there isn't money for any of these thingsyet, there is enormous money to carry out wars that are destructive of whole peoples. It will a firestorm of resistance. It's important for people of the United States to weigh in on this issue; to actively impose, in the same way that if there was opposition to the wars in Central America. The American people can play a role, can oppose these wars,really make it very difficult for the Pentagon to carry out their plans.
Phillip Babich>: Sara Flounders, co-editor of the book, "NATO in the Balkans: Voices of Opposition."
Michel Chossudovsky says that the international movement against the bombings includes people from other NATO countries.
Michel Chossudovsky>: There have been demonstrations all over Europe. There have been demonstrations in the United StatesCanada. In Australia, there was a large demonstration.the question is, will the American people believe in the Hollywood style reports that they are getting over CNNABC news, which literally presents a distorted view of what is actually happening? Will they believe it when they see civilian casualties, destruction of cities, schools, hospitals, when womenchildren are being ed as a result of the bombings?
Phillip Babich>: Michel Chossudovsky, Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa, in Canada.
That's it for this edition of Making Contact, a look at U.S. economicstrategic interests in Yugoslavia. Thanks for listening.special thanks this week to Sue HarrisEllen Andors of the People's Video Network for providing recorded portions. We had production assistance from Stephanie WelchCourtney Malone. Laura Livoti is our Managing Director. Peggy Law is utive Director. Our Production Assistant is Shereen Meraji. Norman Solomon is Senior Advisor. Our National Producer is David Barsamian.I'm your hostManaging Producer Phillip Babich.
If you want more information about the subject of this week's program, call the National Radio Project at 800-529-5736. Call that same phone number for tapestrans. That's 800-529-5736. Making Contact is an independent production. We're committed to providing a forum for voicesopinions not often heard in the mass media. If you have suggestions for future programs, we'dto hear from you. Our theme music is by the Charlie Hunter Trio. 'Bye for now.
Prof. Dr. Mehmet Kerem Doksat / İstinye - 18 Şubat 2008 Pazartesi